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OpisU radu se preispituje mogućnost dalekometnosti anafore svoj analizom infinitivnih dopuna. Na temelju kriterija (ne)sposobnosti odobrenja neodređenih niječnih izraza preko infinitiva te uvođenja i infinitivne i finitne dopune predlaže se nova podjela hrvatskih glagola koji uvode infinitivnu dopunu na restrukturirajuće i nerestrukturirajuće. Restrukturiranjem se dalekometnost anafore svoj potvrđuje kao prividna te se odbacuje.The aim of this paper is to question the locality of the possessive anaphor svoj. In some Slavic languages (possessive) anaphors behave like long-distance anaphors in infinitival clause (cfr. Faltz 1985, Pica 1987, Rappaport 1986, Dotlačil 2005, Reinders- -Machowska 1991). In this paper we tackle the possibility that also Croatian svoj might display long-distance binding in that context. In the analysis we follow the classification of infinitival complements into restructuring and non-restructuring ones: while the former are generated as VP complements, the latter are clause complements (cfr. Rizzi 1976, Wurmbrand 2003, Grano 2015, Landau 2000). On the basis of two criteria – the (im)possibility of licensing negative polarity items and of introducing both infinitival and finite complements – we propose a new classification of Croatian verbs taking infinitival complements which show that svoj cannot be bound outside its governing category.
  
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